The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/marx/communist manifesto

Text File | 1992-07-31 | 77KB | 1,257 lines

                                      1848
                              COMMUNIST MANIFESTO
                                  by Karl Marx
                           Translated by Samuel Moore
INTRO
  COMMUNIST MANIFESTO

  A spectre is haunting Europe- the spectre of Communism. All the
powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise
this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals
and German police spies.
  Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as
communistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has
not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism against the more
advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary
adversaries?
  Two things result from this fact:
  I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be
itself a power.
  II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of
the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies,
and meet this nursery tale of the spectre of Communism with a
manifesto of the party itself.
  To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in
London and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the
English, French, German, Italian, Flemish, and Danish languages.
  CHAPTER I. BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS.*

  *By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners
of the means of social production, and employers of wage labour; by
proletariat the class of modern wage labourers who, having no means of
production of their own, are reduced to selling their labour power
in order to live.

  The history of all hitherto existing society* is the history of
class struggles.

  *That is, all written history. In 1837, the pre-history of
society, the social organization existing previous to recorded
history, was all but unknown. Since then Haxthausen discovered
common ownership of land in Russia; Maurer proved it to be the
social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history,
and, by and by, village communities were found to be, or to have been,
the primitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland. The
inner organization of this primitive communistic society was laid
bare, in its typical form, by Morgan's crowning discovery of the
true nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With the
dissolution of these primaeval communities society begins to be
differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I
have attempted to retrace this process of dissolution in The Origin of
the Family, Private Property and the State.

  Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf,
guild-masters* and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed
stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an
Uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time
ended either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or
in the common ruin of the contending classes.

  *Guild-master, that is, a full member of a guild, a master within,
not a head of a guild.

  In the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere a
complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold
gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights,
plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals,
guild-masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of
these classes, again, subordinate gradations.
  The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of
feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but
established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of
struggle in place of the old ones.
  Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this
distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms.
Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great
hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other-
bourgeoisie and proletariat.
  From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of
the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the
bourgeoisie were developed.
  The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up
fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian and Chinese
markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the
increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave
to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before
known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering
feudal society, a rapid development.
  The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was
monopolized by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing
wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The
guild-masters were pushed aside by the manufacturing middle class;
division of labour between the different corporate guilds vanished
in the face of division of labour in each single workshop.
  Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even
manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery
revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was
taken by the giant, modern industry, the place of the industrial
middle class, by industrial millionaires- the leaders of whole
industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
  Modern industry has established the world market, for which the
discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense
development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This
development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry;
and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways
extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed,
increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class
handed down from the Middle Ages.
  We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the
product of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in
the modes of production and of exchange.
  Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a
corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class
under the sway of the feudal nobility, it became an armed and
self-governing association in the mediaeval commune:* here independent
urban republic (as in Italy and Germany); there, taxable "third
estate" of the monarchy (as in France); afterwards, in the period of
manufacture proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute
monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact,
corner stone of the great monarchies in general. The bourgeoisie has
at last, since the establishment of modern industry and of the world
market, conquered for itself, in the modern representative state,
exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a
committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.

  *"Commune" was the name taken in France by the nascent towns even
before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters local
self-government and political rights as the "Third Estate."
Generally speaking, for the economic development of the bourgeoisie,
England is here taken as the typical country; for its political
development, France.

  The bourgeoisie has played a most revolutionary role in history.
  The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an
end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly
torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural
superiors," and has left no other bond between man and man than
naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment." It has drowned the
most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous
enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of
egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into
exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible
chartered freedoms has set up that single, unconscionable freedom-
Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and
political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct,
brutal exploitation.
  The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto
honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the
physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science,
into its paid wage labourers.
  The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental
veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.
  The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal
display of vigour in the Middle Ages which reactionaries so much
admire found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It
has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has
accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman
aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that
put in the shade all former migrations of nations and crusades.
  The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing
the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of
production, and with them the whole relations of society. Conservation
of the old modes of production in unaltered form was, on the contrary,
the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes.
Constant revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of
all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation
distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed,
fast-frozen relations with their train of ancient and venerable
prejudices and opinions are swept away; all new-formed ones become
antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts in air, all
that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with
sober senses his real conditions of life and his relations with his
kind.
  The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases
the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle
everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.
  The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market
given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in
every country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries it has drawn from
under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood.
All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are
daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries whose
introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized
nations; by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material,
but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose
products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the
globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the
country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the
products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and
national seclusion and self-sufficiency we have intercourse in every
direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in
material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual
creations of individual nations become common property. National
one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible,
and from the numerous national and local literatures there arises a
world literature.
  The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of
production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws
all nations, even the most barbarian, into civilization. The cheap
prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it
batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians'
intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all
nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of
production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization
into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In a word,
it creates a world after its own image.
  The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the
towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban
population as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a
considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life.
Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made
barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized
ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the
West.
  More and more the bourgeoisie keeps doing away with the scattered
state of the population, of the means of production, and of
property. It has agglomerated population, centralized means of
production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The
necessary consequence of this was political centralization.
Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate
interests, laws, governments and systems of taxation, became lumped
together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one
national class interest, one frontier and one customs tariff.
  The bourgeoisie during its rule of scarce one hundred years has
created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all
preceding generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to
man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and
agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing
of whole continents for cultivation, canalization of rivers, whole
populations conjured out of the ground- what earlier century had
even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap
of social labour?
  We see, then, that the means of production and of exchange which
served as the foundation for the growth of the bourgeoisie were
generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development
of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under
which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organization
of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in a word, the feudal
relations of property became no longer compatible with the already
developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had
to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
  Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social
and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economic and
political sway of the bourgeois class.
  A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois
society with its relations of production, of exchange and of property,
a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and
of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the
powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For
many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the
history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern
conditions of production, against the property relations that are
the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule.
It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical
return put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on trial,
each time more threateningly. In these crises a great part not only of
the existing products, but also of the previously created productive
forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out
an epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an
absurdity- the epidemic of over-production. Society suddenly finds
itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as
if a famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply
of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be
destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilization, too much
means of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The
productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further
the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the
contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which
they are fettered, and no sooner do they overcome these fetters than
they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger
the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois
society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how
does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by
enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other,
by the conquest of new markets and by the more thorough exploitation
of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more
extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means
whereby crises are prevented.
  The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the
ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.
  But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death
to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to
wield those weapons- the modern working class, the proletarians.
  In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in
the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class,
developed- a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find
work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases
capital. These labourers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a
commodity like every other article of commerce, and are consequently
exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the
fluctuations of the market.
  Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labour,
the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and,
consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of
the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most
easily acquired knack that is required of him. Hence, the cost of
production of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means
of subsistence that he requires for his maintenance and for the
propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore
also of labour, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion,
therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage
decreases. Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and
division of labour increases, in the same proportion the burden of
toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours,
by increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed
of the machinery, etc.
  Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal
master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses
of labourers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers.
As privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command
of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they
slaves of the bourgeois class and of the bourgeois state; they are
daily and hourly enslaved by the machine, by the overseer, and,
above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The
more openly this despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the
more petty, the more hateful, and the more embittering it is.
  The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual
labour- in other words, the more modern industry develops- the more is
the labour of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age
and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working
class. All are instruments of labour, more or less expensive to use,
according to their age and sex.
  No sooner has the labourer received his wages in cash, for the
moment escaping exploitation by the manufacturer, than he is set
upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie- the landlord, the
shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.
  The lower strata of the middle class- the small tradespeople,
shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and
peasants- all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly
because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on
which modern industry is carried on and is swamped in the
competition with the large capitalists, partly because their
specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of
production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of
the population.
  The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its
birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest
is carried on by individual labourers, then by the workpeople of a
factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against
the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their
attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but
against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy
imported wares that compete with their labour, they smash machinery to
pieces, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the
vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.
  At this stage the labourers still form an incoherent mass
scattered over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual
competition. If anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies,
this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, but of
the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its
own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in
motion, and is, moreover, still able to do so for a time. At this
stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the
enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the
landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie.
Thus the whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the
bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the
bourgeoisie.
  But with the development of industry the proletariat not only
increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its
strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various
interests, and conditions of life within the ranks of the
proletariat are more and more equalized, in proportion as machinery
obliterates all distinctions of labour and nearly everywhere reduces
wages to the same low level. The growing competition among the
bourgeois and the resulting commercial crises make the wages of the
workers ever more fluctuating. The unceasing improvement of machinery,
ever more rapidly developing, makes their livelihood more and more
precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual
bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two
classes. Thereupon the workers begin to form combinations (trade
unions) against the bourgeoisie; they club together in order to keep
up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to
make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there
the contest breaks out into riots.
  Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The
real fruit of their battles lies not in the immediate result but in
the ever expanding union of the workers. This union is furthered by
the improved means of communication which are created by modern
industry, and which place the workers of different localities in
contact with one another. It was just this contact that was needed
to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the same character,
into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle
is a political struggle. And that union, which the burghers of the
Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries to
attain, the modern proletarians, thanks to railways achieve in a few
years.
  This organization of the proletarians into a class, and consequently
into a political party, is continually being upset again by the
competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up
again, stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative
recognition of particular interests of the workers by taking advantage
of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the Ten Hour
bill in England was carried.
  Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society
further the course of development of the proletariat in many ways. The
bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle- at first
with the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie
itself whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of
industry; at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In
all these battles it sees itself compelled to appeal to the
proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus to drag it into the
political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the
proletariat with its own elements of political and general
education; in other words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons
for fighting the bourgeoisie.
  Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling
classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the
proletariat, or are at least threatened in their conditions of
existence. These also supply the proletariat with fresh elements of
enlightenment and progress.
  Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour,
the process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact
within the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring
character that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself
adrift and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the
future in its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period a
section of the nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion
of the bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular,
a portion of the bourgeois ideologists who have raised themselves to
the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as
a whole.
  Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie
today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The
other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern
industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.
  The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper,
the artisan, the peasant- all these fight against the bourgeoisie,
to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle
class. They are, therefore, not revolutionary but conservative. Nay
more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of
history. If by chance they are revolutionary they are so only in
view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus
defend not their present but their future interests; they desert their
own standpoint to adopt that of the proletariat.
  The "dangerous class," the social scum (Lumpenproletariat), that
passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,
may here and there be swept into the movement by a proletarian
revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for
the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue.
  The social conditions of the old society no longer exist for the
proletariat. The proletarian is without property; his relation to
his wife and children has no longer anything in common with
bourgeois family relations; modern industrial labour, modern
subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as
in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character.
Law, morality, religion are to him so many bourgeois prejudices,
behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.
  All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to
fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large
to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become
masters of the productive forces of society except by abolishing their
own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other
previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to
secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous
securities for, and insurances of, individual property.
  All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or
in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the
self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the
interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest
stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up,
without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being
sprung into the air.
  Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the
proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle.
The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of all settle
matters with its own bourgeoisie.
  In depicting the most general phases of the development of the
proletariat we traced the more or less veiled civil war raging
within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out
into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the
bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.
  Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already
seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in
order to oppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it
under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The
serf, in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the
commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal
absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The modern
labourer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the progress of
industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of
his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more
rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident that
the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in
society and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an
overriding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to
assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot
help letting him sink into such a state that it has to feed him,
instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this
bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible
with society.
  The essential condition for the existence and sway of the
bourgeois class is the formation and augmentation of capital; the
condition for capital is wage labour. Wage labour rests exclusively on
competition between the labourers. The advance of industry, whose
involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the
labourers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due
to association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts
from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie
produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore,
produces above all are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory
of the proletariat are equally inevitable.
  CHAPTER II. PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS.

  In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a
whole?
  The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working
class parties.
  They have no interests separate and apart from those of the
proletariat as a whole.
  They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which to
shape and mould the proletarian movement.
  The Communists are distinguished from the other working class
parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians
of the different countries they point out and bring to the front the
common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all
nationality; 2. In the various stages of development which the
struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass
through they always and everywhere represent the interests of the
movement as a whole.
  The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the
most advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of
every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the
other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the
proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of
march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the
proletarian movement.
  The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the
other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a
class, overthrow of bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power
by the proletariat.
  The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on
ideas or principles that have been invented or discovered by this or
that would-be universal reformer.
  They merely express in general terms actual relations springing from
an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on
under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is
not at all a distinctive feature of Communism.
  All property relations in the past have continually been subject
to historical change consequent upon the change in historical
conditions.
  The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in
favour of bourgeois property.
  The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of
property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But
modern bourgeois private property's the final and most complete
expression of the system of producing and appropriating products
that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by
the few.
  In this sense the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the
single sentence: abolition of private property.
  We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the
right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own
labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal
freedom, activity and independence.
  Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the
property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of
property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish
that; the development of industry has to a great extent already
destroyed it and is still destroying it daily.
  Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?
  But does wage labour create any property for the labourer? Not a
bit. It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits
wage labour and which cannot increase except upon condition of
begetting a new supply of wage labour for fresh exploitation. Property
in its present form is based on the antagonism of capital and wage
labour. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism.
  To be a capitalist is to have not only a purely personal, but a
social, status in production. Capital is a collective product, and
only by the united action of many members- nay, in the last resort,
only by the united action of all members of society- can it be set
in motion.
  Capital is, therefore, not a personal, it is a social, power.
  When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the
property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby
transformed into social property. It is only the social character of
the property that is changed. It loses its class character.
  Let us now take wage labour.
  The average price of wage labour is the minimum wage, i.e., that
quantum of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite to
keep the labourer in bare existence as a labourer. What, therefore,
the wage labourer appropriates by means of his labour merely
suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means
intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products of
labour, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and
reproduction of human life and that leaves no surplus wherewith to
command the labour of others. All that we want to do away with is
the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the
labourer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only
insofar as the interest of the ruling class requires it.
  In bourgeois society living labour is but a means to increase
accumulated labour. In Communist society accumulated labour is but a
means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the labourer.
  In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present;
in Communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois
society capital is independent and has individuality, while the living
person is dependent and has no individuality.
  And the abolition of this state of things is called by the
bourgeois, abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The
abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and
bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at.
  By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of
production, free trade, free selling and buying.
  But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying
disappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all
the other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general,
have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and
buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, but have no
meaning when opposed to the Communist abolition of buying and selling,
of the bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie
itself.
  You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property.
But in your existing society private property is already done away
with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is
solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You
reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of
property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the
non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.
  In a word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your
property. Precisely so; that is just what we intend.
  From the moment when labour can no longer be converted into capital,
money, or rent- into a social power capable of being monopolised-
i.e., from the moment when individual property can no longer be
transformed into bourgeois property, into capital; from that moment,
you say, individuality vanishes.
  You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no
other person than the bourgeois, than the middle class owner of
property. This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way and made
impossible.
  Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products
of society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to
subjugate the labour of others by means of such appropriation.
  It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property all
work will cease and universal laziness will overtake us.
  According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone
to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who
work acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything do not work.
The whole of this objection is but another expression of the
tautology: there can no longer be any wage labour when there is no
longer any capital.
  All objections urged against the Communist mode of producing and
appropriating material products have in the same way been urged
against the Communist modes of producing and appropriating
intellectual products. Just as to the bourgeois the disappearance of
class property is the disappearance of production itself, so the
disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the
disappearance of all culture.
  That culture, the loss of which he laments, is for the enormous
majority a mere training to act as a machine.
  But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply to our intended
abolition of bourgeois property the standard of your bourgeois notions
of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth
of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property,
just as yourjurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a
law for all, a will whose essential character and direction are
determined by the economic conditions of existence of your class.
  The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal
laws of nature and of reason the social forms springing from your
present mode of production and form of property- historical
relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production-
this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded
you. What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you
admit in the case of feudal property, you are, of course forbidden
to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.
  Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this
infamous proposal of the Communists.
  On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family,
based? On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form
this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of
things finds its complement in the practical absence of the family
among the proletarians, and in public prostitution.
  The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its
complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of
capital.
  Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children
by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty.
  But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations when we
replace home education by social.
  And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the
social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention of
society, direct or indirect, by means of schools, etc.? The Communists
have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do
but seek to alter the character of that intervention and to rescue
education from the influence of the ruling class.
  The bourgeois claptrap about the family and education, about the
hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the more
disgusting, the more, by the action of modern industry, all family
ties among the proletarians are torn asunder and their children
transformed into simple articles of commerce and instruments of
labour.
  But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the
whole bourgeoisie in chorus.
  The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He
hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in
common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that
the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women.
  He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do
away with the status of women as mere instruments of production.
  For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous
indignation of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they
pretend, is to be openly and officially established by the Communists.
The Communists have no need to introduce community of women; it has
existed almost from time immemorial.
  Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of
their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common
prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's
wives.
  Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common and
thus at the most what the Communists might possibly be reproached with
is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically
concealed, an openly legalized, community of women. For the rest, it
is self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production
must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing
from that system, i.e., of prostitution both public and private.
  The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish
countries and nationality.
  The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from them what they
have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire
political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the
nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself
national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word.
  National differences and antagonisms between peoples are vanishing
gradually from day to day, owing to the development of the
bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world market, to
uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life
corresponding thereto.
  The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still
faster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is
one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.
  In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is
put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also
be put an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes
within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another
will come to an end.
  The charges against Communism made from a religious, a
philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint are
not deserving of serious examination.
  Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas,
views, and conceptions- in one word, man's consciousness- changes with
every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his
social relations and in his social life?
  What else does the history of ideas prove than that intellectual
production changes its character in proportion as material
production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the
ideas of its ruling class.
  When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society, they do but
express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one
have been created and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even
pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.
  When the ancient world was in its last throes the ancient
religions were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas
succumbed in the 18th century to rationalist ideas, feudal society
fought its death-battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The
ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave
expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of
knowledge.
  "Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religion, moral, philosophical
and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical
development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science,
and law, constantly survived this change."
  "There are, besides, eternal truths such as freedom, justice,
etc., that are common to all states of society. But Communism
abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes all religion and all
morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it,
therefore, acts in contradiction to all past historical experience."
  What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all
past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms,
antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs.
  But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all
past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other.
No wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite
all the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain
common forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish
except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms.
  The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with
traditional property relations; no wonder that its development
involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.
  But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.
  We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the
working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling
class, to establish democracy.
  The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest by degrees
all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of
production in the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat
organized as the ruling class, and to increase the total of productive
forces as rapidly as possible.
  Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except by
means of despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the
conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore,
which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in
the course of the movement outstrip themselves, necessitate further
inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a means of
entirely revolutionizing the mode of production.
  These measures will, of course, be different in different countries.
  Nevertheless, in the most advanced countries the following will be
pretty generally applicable:
  1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of
land to public purposes.
  2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
  3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.
  4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
  5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the state by means of
a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly.
  6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the
hands of the state.
  7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the
state; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the
improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
  8. Equal obligation of all to work. Establishment of industrial
armies, especially for agriculture.
  9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual
abolition of the distinction between town and country by a more
equable distribution of the population over the country.
  10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition
of child factory labour in its present form. Combination of
education with industrial production, etc.
  When in the course of development class distinctions have
disappeared and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a
vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its
political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely
the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the
proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled by
the force of circumstances to organize itself as a class; if by
means of a revolution it makes itself the ruling class and, as such,
sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will,
along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the
existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and will
thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.
  In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class
antagonisms, we shall have an association in which the free
development of each is the condition for the free development of all.
  CHAPTER III. SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE.
  1. Reactionary Socialism
     a. Feudal Socialism
  Owing to their historical position it became the vocation of the
aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against
modern bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July, 1830,
and in the English reform agitation these aristocracies again
succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political
struggle was altogether out of the question. A literary battle alone
remained possible. But even in the domain of literature the old
cries of the Restoration period* had become impossible.

  *Not the English Restoration, 1660 to 1689, but the French
Restoration, 1814 to 1830.

    In order to arouse sympathy the aristocracy was obliged to lose
sight, apparently, of its own interests and to formulate its
indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited
working class alone. Thus the aristocracy took its revenge by
singing lampoons against its new master, and whispering in his ears
sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe.
  In this way arose Feudal Socialism: half lamentation, half
lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times,
by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the
bourgeoisie to the very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its
effect through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern
history.
  The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the
proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, as often
as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of
arms and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.
  One section of the French Legitimists, and "Young England,"
exhibited this spectacle.
  In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different from
that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited
under circumstances and conditions that were quite different and
that are now antiquated. In showing that under their rule the modern
proletariat never existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie
is the necessary offspring of their own form of society.
  For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of
their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie
amounts to this, that under the bourgeois regime a class is being
developed which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of
society.
  What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it
creates a proletariat as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat.
  In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures
against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their
highfalutin phrases they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped
from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour for
traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.*

  *This applies chiefly to Germany, where the landed aristocracy and
squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for
their own account by stewards, and are, moreover, extensive
beetroot-sugar manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The
wealthier British aristocrats are as yet rather above that; but
they, too, know how to make up for declining rents by lending their
names to floaters of more or less shady joint-stock companies.

  As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has
Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.
  Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist
tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property,
against marriage, against the state? Has it not preached in the
place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the
flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism is but the
holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the
aristocrat.

     b. Petty Bourgeois Socialism
  The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the
bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined
and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The
mediaeval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the
precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but
little developed industrially and commercially these two classes still
vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie.
  In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed
a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between
proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing itself as a
supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of
this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the
proletariat by the action of competition, and, as modern industry
develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will
completely disappear as an independent section of modern society, to
be replaced, in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by
overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen.
  In countries like France where the peasants constitute far more than
half of the population it was natural that writers who sided with
the proletariat against the bourgeoisie should use, in their criticism
of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant and petty
bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes
should take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty
bourgeois Socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in
France but also in England.
  This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the
contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare
the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved, incontrovertibly,
the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labour, the
concentration of capital and land in a few hands, over-production
and crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty
bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in
production, the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the
industrial war of extermination between nations, the dissolution of
old moral bonds, of the old family relations, of the old
nationalities.
  In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either
to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with
them the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping
the modern means of production and of exchange within the framework of
the old property relations that have been, and were bound to be,
exploded by those means. In either case it is both reactionary and
utopian.
  Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal
relations in agriculture.
  Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all
intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended
in a miserable fit of the blues.

     c. German or "True" Socialism
  The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature
that originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power and
that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was
introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country
had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism.
   German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and men of letters
eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when these
writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social conditions
had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German social
conditions this French literature lost all its immediate practical
significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to the
German philosophers of the 18th century, the demands of the first
French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of "Practical
Reason" in general, and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary
French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws of pure will, of
will as it was bound to be, of true human will generally.
  The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the new
French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience,
or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own
philosophic point of view.
  This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign
language is appropriated, namely by translation.
  It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic
saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient
heathendom had been written. The German literati reversed this process
with the profane French literature. They wrote their philosophical
nonsense beneath the French original. For instance, beneath the French
criticism of the economic functions of money they wrote "alienation of
humanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois state
they wrote, "dethronement of the category of the general," and so
forth.
  The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the
French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True
Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical Foundation
of Socialism," and so on.
  The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely
emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to
express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of
having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing, not true
requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of
the proletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in general,
who belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the
misty realm of philosophical phantasy.
  This German Socialism, which took its school-boy task so seriously
and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such
mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence.
  The fight of the German and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie
against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words,
the liberal movement, became more earnest.
  By this, the long-wished-for opportunity was offered to "True"
Socialism of confronting the political movement with the Socialist
demands; of hurling the traditional-anathemas against liberalism,
against representative government, against bourgeois competition,
bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois
liberty and equality; and of preaching to the masses that they had
nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement.
German Socialism forgot in the nick of time that the French criticism,
whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois
society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence,
and the political constitution adapted thereto- the very things
whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in Germany.
  To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons,
professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome
scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie.
  It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and
bullets, with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed
the risings of the German working class.
  While this "True" Socialism thus served the governments as a
weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie it at the same time
directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the
German Philistines. In Germany the petty bourgeois class, a relic of
the 16th century, and since then constantly cropping up again under
various various forms the real social basis of the existing state of
things.
  To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things
in Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the
bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction- on the one hand,
from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a
revolutionary proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these two
birds with one stone. It spread like an, epidemic.
  The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of
rhetoric, steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment- this
transcendental robe in which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry
"eternal truths," all skin and bone, served to increase wonderfully
the sale of their goods amongst such a public.
  And on its part, German Socialism recognized more and more its own
calling as the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeois
Philistine.
  It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the
German petty Philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous
meanness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic
interpretation, the exact contrary of his real character. It went to
the extreme length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive"
tendency of Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial
contempt of all class struggles. With very few exceptions, all the
so-called Socialist and Communist publications that now (1847)
circulate in Germany belong to the domain of this foul and
enervating literature.

  2. Conservative or Bourgeois Socialism
  A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social
grievances in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois
society.
  To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians,
improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of
charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to
animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of every
imaginable kind. This form of Socialism has, moreover, been worked out
into complete systems.
  We may cite Proudhon's Philosophy of Poverty as an example of this
form.
  The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social
conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting
therefrom. They desire the existing state of society minus its
revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie
without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world
in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois Socialism
develops this comfortable conception into various more or less
complete systems. In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a
system, and thereby to march straightway into the social New
jerusalem, it but requires in reality that the proletariat should
remain within the bounds of existing society but should cast away
all its hateful ideas concerning the bourgeoisie.
  A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this
Socialism sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the
eyes of the working class by showing that no mere political reform,
but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in economic
relations, could be of any advantage to them. By changes in the
material conditions of existence, this form of Socialism, however,
by no means understands abolition of the bourgeois relations of
production- an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution-
but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence of
these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the
relations between capital and labour, but, at the best, lessen the
cost and simplify the administrative work of bourgeois government.
  Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression when, and only when,
it becomes a mere figure of speech:
  Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective duties:
for the benefit of the working class. Prison reform: for the benefit
of the working class. These are the last words and the only
seriously meant words of bourgeois Socialism.
  It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois are bourgeois- for
the benefit of the working class.


  3. Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism
  We do not here refer to that literature which in every great
modern revolution has always given voice to the demands of the
proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others.
  The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends-
made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being
overthrown- necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of
the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economic
conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be
produced and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone.
The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of
the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated
universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form.
  The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of St.
Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in the early
undeveloped period described above of the struggle between proletariat
and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois and Proletarians).
  The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms
as well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing
form of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to
them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any
independent political movement.
  Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the
development of industry, the economic situation, as such Socialists
find it, does not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the
emancipation of the proletariat. They therefore search after a new
social science, after new social laws that are to create these
conditions.
  Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action;
historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones; and
the gradual, spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an
organization of society specially contrived by these inventors. Future
history resolves itself in their eyes into the propaganda and the
practical carrying out of their social plans.
  In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly
for the interests of the working class, as being the most suffering
class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class
does the proletariat exist for them.
  The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own
surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves
far superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the
condition of every member of society, even that of the most
favoured. Hence, they habitually appeal to society at large, without
distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class. For how
can people, when once they understand their system, fail to see in
it the best possible plan of the best possible state of society?
  Hence, they reject all political, and especially all
revolutionary, action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful
means, and endeavour by small experiments, necessarily doomed to
failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the new
social gospel.
  Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when
the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a
fantastic conception of its own position, correspond with the first
instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of
society.
  But these Socialist and Communist writings contain also a critical
element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence,
they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment
of the working class. The practical measures proposed in them- such as
the abolition of the distinction between town and country; abolition
of the family, of private gain and of the wage-system; the
proclamation of social harmony; the conversion of the functions of the
state into a mere superintendence of production- all these proposals
point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were at
that time only just cropping up, and which in these publications are
recognized in their earliest, indistinct, and undefined forms only.
These proposals, therefore, are of a purely utopian character.
  The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism bears
an inverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the
modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape this fantastic
standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose
all practical value and all theoretical justification. Therefore,
although the originators of these systems were in many respects
revolutionary, their disciples have in every case formed mere
reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their
masters in opposition to the progressive historical development of the
proletariat. They, therefore, endeavour, and that consistently, to
deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. They
still dream of experimental realization of their social utopias, of
founding isolated phalansteres, of establishing "Home Colonies," or
setting up a "Little Icaria"*- pocket editions of the New Jerusalem-
and to realize all these castles in the air they are compelled to
appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By degrees they
sink into the category of the reactionary conservative Socialists
depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic
pedantry and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the
miraculous effects of their social science.

  *Phalansteres were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles
Fourier; Icaria was the name given by Cabet to his Utopia, and,
later on, to his American Communist colony.

  They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part
of the working class; such action, according to them, can only
result from blind unbelief in the new gospel.
  The Owenites in England and the Fourierists in France, respectively,
oppose the Chartists and the Reformistes.
  CHAPTER IV. POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE VARIOUS
EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES

  Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the
existing working class parties, such as the Chartists in England and
the Agrarian Reformers in America.
  The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for
the enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but
in the movement of the present they also represent and take care of
the future of that movement. In France the Communists ally
themselves with the Social-Democrats* against the conservative and
radical bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a
critical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally
handed down from the great Revolution.

  *The party then represented in Parliament by Ledru-Rollin, in
literature by Louis Blanc, in the daily press by the Reforme. The name
of Social-Democracy signifies, with these its inventors, a section
of the Democratic or Republican Party more or less tinged with
Socialism.

  In Switzerland they support the Radicals without losing sight of the
fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of
Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical
bourgeois.
  In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian
revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that
party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.
  In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a
revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal
squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.
  But they never cease for a single instant to instill into the
working class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile
antagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the
German workers may straightway use, as so many weapons against the
bourgeoisie, the social and political conditions that the
bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its supremacy, and
in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in Germany,
the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.
  The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany because
that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound
to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European
civilization and with a much more developed proletariat than what
existed in England in the 17th and in France in the 18th century,
and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the
prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.
  In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary
movement against the existing social and political order of things.
  In all these movements they bring to the front as the leading
question in each case the property question, no matter what its degree
of development at the time.
  Finally, they labour everywhere for the union and agreement of the
democratic parties of all countries.
  The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They
openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible
overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes
tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to
lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
  Workingmen of all countries, unite!


                            -THE END-